Sunday, November 6, 2011

Learning the bitter lessons of Chinese occupation

INTERVIEW: Learning the bitter lessons of Chinese occupation
Taipei Times 10/30/2011

By Loa Iok-sin / Staff Reporter

Lamenting China’s occupation of his homeland while recounting how Beijing has exploited his people and tried to destroy their culture, Japan Uyghur Association chairman Ilham Mahmut recounted how he become an activist for the independence of East Turkestan — now under Chinese rule as Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region — and urged Taiwanese to be cautious when dealing with China to avoid history repeating itself.

“When you try to deal with the Chinese, it is important to remember that the Chinese Communist Party [CCP] government could make hundreds or thousands of beautiful promises, but none of those will ever be realized,” Ilham told the Taipei Times in an interview on Thursday in Taipei.

“What is going on in East Turkestan or in Tibet are examples of what happens to a country when you trust China too much,” he said in response to a question about President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) proposed peace agreement with Beijing at some point within the next decade and his policies to establish closer relations with China.

Ilham was invited to Taiwan by the Taiwan Friends of Tibet to talk about the current situation in East Turkestan, and left for Japan on Thursday.

Although discussing the situation in his own country was the main purpose of the trip, Ilham said: “We [Uighurs] are already suffering under Chinese rule, so I feel obliged to remind Taiwanese about what could be ahead for them.”

Historically, the region was home to a handful of independent states, until it came under the control of the Qing Empire in the 18th century and was given the name “Xinjiang,” which literarily means “new territory.” After the fall of the Qing Empire in 1911, two short-lived East Turkestan republics were declared, first in 1933, and the second time in 1944, which lasted until the invasion of CCP troops in 1949.

“In 1949, the East Turkestan Republic was negotiating an agreement with the CCP, when seven of its top leaders were killed in a plane crash on the way to Beijing for further talks” Ilham said. “The Chinese reported the plane crash, but many people in East Turkestan still believe that could have been part of a CCP plot, as more than 150,000 troops invaded our country shortly thereafter,” he added.

Not long after Beijing took control of East Turkestan, its troops were renamed the “Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps [XPCC]” — a semi-military organization directly administered by the central government. This corps manages a handful of cities, establishes settlements and engages in agricultural and other economic activities, according to official information on the unit.

Official figures released by the corps indicate that the population of Xinjiang is currently more than 25 million, with nearly 90 percent being Han Chinese.

“The XPCC took over the best land in East Turkestan, mostly flat arable land,” Ilham said, holding up a map of the corps’ settlement locations and a map showing different terrain in Xinjiang.

“You can see that the XPCC also took over lands along mountain ranges, so that they could be in control of sources of fresh water,” Ilham said. “That enabled them to punish disobedient Uighur villages by cutting off the water supply.”

Citing research results by Japan’s Sapporo Medical University professor Jun Takada, and information from an investigative report aired by the BBC, Ilham accused China of conducting 46 nuclear tests — though China officially says it conducted only 45 tests — in Xinjiang from 1964 to 1996 without ensuring residents remained outside a 100km exclusion zone, “which, according to Takada’s research, caused 190,000 deaths, while impacting the health of more than 1 million people in the area.”

Born in 1969, Ilham, whose hometown Kumul — or Hami in Chinese — is only about 80km from the nuclear test site at Lake Lop, recalled that when he was a young boy he often saw physically or mentally challenged children in neighboring villages.

“I did not know why at the time, but after reading Takada’s research and watching the BBC special report, I realized that such disabilities could have been a side effect of the nuclear tests,” Ilham said.

The Chinese government has not only deprived Uighurs of their political rights and natural resources, Ilham said it has also done everything it can to destroy the Uighur language and culture.

“Although the Uighur language is still alive in rural areas, most of our young people living in the cities are losing their ability to speak Uighur and converse with each other more and more in Chinese,” he said. “Because classes are mostly taught in Chinese at school and there are only about two or three hours of Uighur classes per week — our native tongue is now taught like a foreign language in the Uighur region.”

Ilham held out a picture of a plaque at the entrance to a mosque which says in Uighur that women, those under the age of 18, CCP members and government employees and retirees — are not allowed to enter the mosque.

Party members and government employees can be sacked and retirees have their pensions withdrawn if they violate this regulation, Ilham said, adding that the parents of minors that enter the mosque are also liable to be punished.

After the protests that broke out in Urumqi on July 5, 2009, a new rule was introduced, forcing Muslims to sing the People’s Republic of China national anthem and raise the Chinese flag in front of a mosque, before being allowed to attend Jumah prayers on Fridays.

“Uighurs are mostly Muslims, Islam is an important part of our culture and the Chinese government is trying to destroy it,” he said.

Ilham realized he had to leave his homeland when he was 30 and his first child was born.

“I applied to study in Japan with the objective of staying there and taking my family with me, because when I looked at the face of my newborn child, I was determined to prevent my child growing up under Chinese occupation and repression,” he said.

In 2007, after hearing that Beijing had sent more than 460,000 unmarried Uighur women between the ages of 16 and 25 to work in China’s coastal cities — many claiming they were forced into prostitution — Ilham decided that he had to not only protect his family, but also his people, and it was then that he joined the movement for human rights and independence for East Turkestan.

Recalling his life as a Uighur taught by the Chinese education system and deprived of a proper understanding of his own people’s culture and history, Ilham says that he firmly believed Taiwan was an indivisible part of China until he set foot in Japan and had free access to information from a wider range of sources

“I think that it is the will of Allah that has guided me to where I am today, I really believe so.”

Wednesday, August 18, 2010


熱比婭女兒初試啼聲----記熱依拉訪台 林保華




















(《開放》雜誌 2010年8月號)

Friday, July 17, 2009

聲援維吾爾人 台灣大聲說







Wednesday, July 15, 2009



熱比婭拉攏達賴 疆藏共抗中共


「世界維吾爾代表大會」( World Uyghur Congress)發言人及「維吾爾裔美國人協會」( Uyghur American Association)秘書長阿林.塞托夫( Alim Seytoff)在一封致達賴辦公室的信中稱:「謹代表世界維吾爾代表大會主席熱比婭.卡德爾( Rebiya Kadeer),懇求你們的協助和可能的合作,因為我們都是中國帝國殖民主義下的共同受害者。」

這是上周新疆首府烏魯木齊發生維漢兩族嚴重暴力衝突、造成 192人死亡、逾千人受傷事件以來,流亡海外的新疆維人組織首次向西藏流亡組織尋求合作和支持。該信由達賴喇嘛辦公室傳出,但達賴喇嘛的西藏流亡政府駐印度新德里辦公室新聞秘書丹真貢噶回應記者查詢時,未作任何置評,僅表示信件「轉供媒體參考」。西藏流亡政府駐台灣辦事處職員見貝欽增昨回應本報電話查詢時,也表示不方便就事件作評論。

新疆 西藏 兩大「火藥庫」
中共建政近 60年來,新疆和西藏民族反抗事件不時發生,尤其是新疆,受周邊伊斯蘭國家影響,過去 10年來分離意識漸重,暴力傾向鮮明;而流亡海外的藏人組織亦不斷出現暴力抗拒中共的傾向,這兩個地區被外界視為是中國的「火藥庫」。

從上世紀 90年代,新疆伊犁、喀什等地先後發生嚴重暴力事件,維族人攻擊地方政權,殘殺地方官員,製造城市巴士爆炸等,引來中共以反恐之名嚴打,與疆獨分子不斷發生流血衝突。


Tuesday, July 14, 2009

七五 中國正在欺侮台灣

張世賢 2009/07/09




□ 〔 資料來源: 自由時報 〕

Tuesday, June 2, 2009

亞洲第一個參與T for TIBET的國家 台灣 我們挺西藏,而且很大聲

(Free Tibet 大扛棒,六月一日凌晨懸掛施工中 @ 台北市信義區華納威秀)



英國知名攝影家 Clive Arrowsmith 發起T for Tibet 的攝影行動,紀錄了許多支持西藏的西方知名演員與歌手;台灣在逆轉本部的聯繫下,也成為亞洲第一個參與這個行動的國家。包括歌手巴奈、鄭宜農、大支、張睿銓,作家 吳音寧,導演鄭文堂、吳米森,以及濁水溪公社、閃靈、阿飛西雅、滅火器、恕、Kook…等搖滾樂團,都參與了這次的拍攝,堅定表達支持西藏的立場。

國際上的許多媒體 ,開始報導台灣是第一個參與T for Tibet行動的亞洲國家。


回想起來,我是從2000年閃靈受邀去日本參加Fuji Rock演出的時候,真正接觸到西藏議題的運動。在超大的搖滾音樂祭會場,七八九個舞台吧,我在Gypsy Avalon舞台旁發現了一個很特別的西藏自由攤位。在那邊,我認識了在國民黨教育裡面完全看不到的西藏。原來,西藏自古以來便是一個獨立的國家,有獨立的語言、獨立的文化、獨立的宗教;在1959年中國入侵西藏之後,西藏的合法政府與領袖達賴喇嘛被迫流亡到印度。至今,中國仍不間斷地血腥鎮壓西藏,每年持續有數以千計的藏人逃出他們的祖國。

那麼多的知名樂團、藝人參加西藏自由音樂會、錄製支持西藏的唱片,在世界各國的演唱會、音樂祭都有觀眾到處舉著西藏國旗 。他們到底在支持什麼?我反覆思辨著,也慢慢找到答案,Tibet這個英文字終於不像個生字。


去年開始,Radiohead在他們的舞台上高掛了西藏國旗、Bjork在上海演唱會上大聲吶喊支持西藏獨立、U2新歌的MV也亮出了西藏國旗。中國入侵西藏五十年,國際搖滾音樂界、藝文界、政治界不斷發出援藏聲音,台灣的2009 西藏自由音樂會,也確定開辦。

我們挺西藏的廣告大扛棒,已經樹立在台北市最熱鬧、外國觀光客最多的地方 – 信義華納威秀,昨天大半夜掛上去,就有很多衝組的去前面素人自拍。各位朋友這陣子去華納威秀看電影,經過扛棒別忘記順便跟同行朋友點題一下,而且,每週末我們還會到那邊發傳單,宣傳理念,歡迎大家一起來參加。當然,最重要的,七月十一日的西藏自由音樂會,更請大家到場一起集氣、灌氣、暴氣!

去年底,我們造訪了西藏流亡政府所在地 - 印度達蘭薩拉,有幸與達賴喇嘛會面,獲得他對 2009 西藏自由音樂會的祝福。他還非常熱情地超時錄了一大段獻給台灣青年的影片,讓我們在音樂會上播放。我只要想到達蘭薩拉之行,雀躍的心情就湧現,好像又回在大昭寺看著喇嘛們辯經;好像又回到客運總站跟旅社的藏人老兄一起等行李,好像又回到藏人朋友家過新年吃火鍋唱天黑黑。當台灣人對於國家前途充滿挫折感時,處境更艱難的藏人,卻充滿希望地為著夢想中的自由西藏繼續戰鬥,「我們隨時都準備回去一個自由的西藏!」,這樣的力量,不僅是西藏運動的力量,更是支持全世界普世價值的正面力量。


最後,一定要感謝的,西藏流亡政府 ,達賴喇嘛西藏宗教基金會,以及台灣圖博之友會 ,感謝各位的投入與相挺 !!

Freddy. 2009/06/01


Monday, April 27, 2009


Hsinfen Li















□ 〔 資料來源: 存在事實的背後必有其存在的真理 | 引用網址 〕

Wednesday, March 18, 2009

葉由根 高級外國人

From Liberty Times Forum, 3-19-2009

葉由根 高級外國人
◎ 顏利真





Thursday, March 12, 2009

Dalai Lama Says China Has Turned Tibet Into a ‘Hell on Earth’

Published: March 10, 2009

BEIJING — The Dalai Lama delivered one of his harshest attacks on the Chinese government in recent times on Tuesday, saying that the Chinese Communist Party had transformed Tibet into a “hell on earth” and that the Chinese authorities regarded Tibetans as “criminals deserving to be put to death.”

“Today, the religion, culture, language and identity, which successive generations of Tibetans have considered more precious than their lives, are nearing extinction,” said the Dalai Lama, 73, the spiritual leader of Tibetans.

He spoke in Dharamsala, India, the Himalayan town that is the seat of the Tibetan government in exile. Tibetans outside of China and their supporters held rallies around the world on Tuesday to mark the 50th anniversary of a failed Tibetan uprising against Chinese rule. China crushed the rebellion, forcing the Dalai Lama to flee to India.

The furious tone of the speech may have been in reaction to a new clampdown by China on the Tibetan regions. The Dalai Lama may also have adopted an angry approach to placate younger Tibetans who have accused him of being too conciliatory toward China. He advocates genuine autonomy for Tibet and not secession, while more radical Tibetans are urging him to support outright independence.

In the rugged Tibetan regions of China, where there is widespread resentment at Chinese rule, no reports emerged Tuesday of any large-scale protests. The Chinese government, fearing civil unrest among six million Tibetans, has locked down the vast areas, which make up a quarter of Chinese territory, by sending in thousands of troops in the past few weeks and cutting off cellphone and Internet services in some locations. An unofficial state of martial law now exists, with soldiers and police officers operating checkpoints, marching through streets and checking people for identification cards.

President Hu Jintao called this week for the building of a “Great Wall” of stability in Tibet.

“We must reinforce the solid Great Wall for combating separatism and safeguarding national unity, so that Tibet, now basically stable, will enjoy lasting peace and stability,” Mr. Hu said while meeting with Tibetan officials in Beijing on Monday, according to Xinhua, the state news agency.

Across Tibet, monks at large monasteries have been ordered to stay indoors.

In the town of Tongren, in Qinghai Province, monks at the Rongwo Monastery, where protests erupted last year, were told that they could not leave the compound from March 6 to March 16, said two monks reached by telephone. Security forces in riot gear have encircled the monastery. No classes or prayer gatherings were held Tuesday, and one monk said he and his peers were reading scriptures in their rooms.

“This morning, I cried,” he said.

The monk declined to give his name for fear of government retribution. A year ago this month, he was studying in Lhasa, the Tibetan capital, and taking part in protests to mark the 49th anniversary of the failed uprising. When security forces suppressed those protests, Tibetans began rioting in the streets, attacking ethnic Han Chinese civilians and burning shops and vehicles.

The uprising quickly spread to Tibetan areas in other provinces, becoming the largest rebellion against Chinese rule in decades. At least 19 people were killed in Lhasa, most of them Han Chinese civilians, according to the Chinese government. In the violent repression that followed, 220 Tibetans were killed, nearly 1,300 were injured and nearly 7,000 were detained or imprisoned, according to the Tibetan government in exile. More than 1,000 Tibetans are still missing.

In a report released Tuesday, Human Rights Watch said that official Chinese accounts of last year’s uprising and its aftermath showed that “there have been thousands of arbitrary arrests, and more than 100 trials pushed through the judicial system.”

Officials from Lhasa said last week that 953 people were detained after the riots and that 76 of them were sentenced on charges of robbery, arson and attacking government institutions. The others have all been released, the officials said.

The Chinese government has accused the Dalai Lama of fomenting separatist violence; he says he is pushing only for autonomous powers that are outlined in the Chinese Constitution.

In his speech, the Dalai Lama reiterated that such autonomy had been promised to Tibet by Mao and other senior Chinese leaders whom he met in Beijing in 1954 and 1955. The Dalai Lama began negotiations over the future of Tibet after Chinese troops invaded the Tibetan plateau and seized full control of Tibet in 1951.

Despite the promises from Mao, he said, the Chinese government carried out “a series of repressive and violent campaigns” through the decades, including what the Chinese called “patriotic re-education” and “strike hard” campaigns after the protests last year.

“These thrust Tibetans into such depths of suffering and hardship that they literally experienced hell on earth,” the Dalai Lama said.

China has defended its policies in Tibet by saying that it abolished a feudal slave-holding system overseen by the Dalai Lama and poured vast sums of money into building roads, railroads and other infrastructure projects.

Despite his harsh words, the Dalai Lama reaffirmed his commitment to trying to maintain a dialogue with China.

Jonathan Ansfield contributed reporting from Beijing, and Hari Kumar from New Delhi.

A version of this article appeared in print on March 11, 2009, on page A10 of the New York edition.


2009-03-10 AURORA

March 10,2009圖博 (Tibet) 及其人權現況 (曾建元)












Thursday, March 5, 2009

50 years after revolt, China clampdown Tibetans


Published: March 4, 2009

MAQU, China — Enraged nomads swooped into this windswept town on the Tibetan plateau a year ago this month, storming a Chinese police compound, setting fire to police cars and forcing security forces to flee. To the north, Tibetans on horseback galloped into a schoolyard, ripped down a Chinese flag and hoisted a Tibetan one, shouting “Free Tibet!”

Now, the authorities have imposed an unofficial state of martial law on the vast highlands where ethnic Tibetans live, with thousands of troops occupying areas they fear could erupt in renewed rioting on a momentous anniversary next week. And Beijing is determined to keep foreigners from seeing the mass deployment.

In monasteries and nomad tents, villages and grasslands, the fury of Tibetans against Chinese rule has raged continuously since last year’s riots and the violent repression that followed. March 10 marks the 50th anniversary of a failed revolt against Chinese rule that led to the Dalai Lama’s flight into exile in India.

Signs of simmering resistance abound: Just last week, many of China’s six million Tibetans chose not to celebrate Losar, the Tibetan New Year, in order to mourn Tibetans who suffered during last year’s clashes. Monks have held rallies in parts of Qinghai and Sichuan Provinces. Last Friday, a monk from Kirti Monastery in Sichuan lighted himself on fire in a market, prompting security officers to shoot at him, according to Tibetan advocacy groups. Local officials deny the shooting.

Chinese leaders have prepared for the worst, ordering the largest troop deployment since the Sichuan earthquake last spring. This reporter got a rare look at the clampdown because he was recently driven through the Tibetan areas of arid Gansu Province while being detained by the police for 20 hours.

Tibetan regions, a sprawling, lightly populated swath of western China that measures about one-quarter of the country’s total territory, have become militarized zones. Sandbag outposts have been set up in the middle of towns, army convoys rumble along highways, and paramilitary officers search civilian cars. A curfew has been imposed on Lhasa, the Tibetan capital.

“The Tibetan ethnic situation is very serious,” said a paramilitary officer after he stopped three foreigners on a snowy mountain road. “Tibetans are causing trouble. This is an extremely sensitive time.”

The young officer and his half-dozen colleagues at the checkpoint were members of the People’s Armed Police, the main Chinese paramilitary force. The officers said their unit was based in Beijing and had guarded the Bird’s Nest stadium during the Summer Olympics in August, but had been sent here last month. Their mission included keeping foreigners out of the area.

Foreigners do not need special permission to travel in this region, and the police never offered an explanation for detaining this reporter.

The broad security measures undercut assertions by the Chinese government that serious ethnic tensions did not exist and that Tibetan nationalism was not widespread. They also show that Tibet remains one of the most sensitive political and security issues for China, though one that remains invisible in the developed cities along the country’s east coast.

Last March, the largest Tibetan uprising against Communist rule in decades erupted after Chinese security forces suppressed a protest by monks in Lhasa. At least 19 people were killed in ethnic rioting in Lhasa, most of them Han civilians, according to Xinhua, the state news agency. In the ensuing crackdown, 220 Tibetans were killed, nearly 1,300 were injured and nearly 7,000 were detained or imprisoned, according to the Tibetan government-in-exile, which is based in Dharamsala, India.
The Chinese government accused the Dalai Lama, the spiritual leader of the Tibetans, of fomenting the violence. The Dalai Lama advocates Tibetan autonomy under Chinese rule, but disavows violence and says he does not favor secession.

Some of the worst rioting outside Lhasa took place here in Gannan Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, where the worlds of the Tibetans, Chinese and Hui Muslims converge. It is a dry area of herders roaming the plains and white-walled monasteries nestled against brown hillsides. At least 94 people — almost all policemen — were injured here last March, according to official news reports.

The most prominent monastery in eastern Tibet, Labrang, lies in the town of Xiahe, in western Gannan. There, more than 1,000 monks and lay people protested for two days and attacked government buildings last March.

There are no signs of protests now, residents say, because the town is completely locked down. Recent photographs taken in Xiahe show riot police officers marching in the streets.

“The security forces are everywhere, on every corner, day and night,” said a Tibetan woman reached by telephone. “Don’t come here.”

She paused when asked her opinion about the current situation. “We Tibetans who do business, we’re under a lot of pressure,” she said. “We have to keep quiet. I can’t say I disagree with the policies of the Chinese. It’s their country, and we’re only a minority.”

Like others interviewed for this article, she declined to give her name for fear of government reprisal.

This reporter and two foreign companions entered southern Gannan by driving past several unstaffed checkpoints on a recent night before being stopped on a mountain road by the paramilitary officers. The foreigners and their driver were brought to the towns of Maqu and Hezuo for interrogation and then forced to drive to the provincial capital of Lanzhou to board a plane for Beijing.

A police officer in Maqu said rioters burned 18 patrol cars last year. The police headquarters now has a new fleet of white sport-utility vehicles. Official reports say more than 70 percent of shops here were looted or damaged, but those, too, appear to have been restored.

During the day, policemen or soldiers stand on street corners wearing helmets and green coats and carrying riot shields. The main road leading through town is watched by officers armed with assault rifles standing at checkpoints. The sound of troops’ drilling can be heard in the early morning hours — louder than any chanting from monks.

“We’re afraid that Tibetans who’ve returned from Dharamsala might cause trouble,” a police officer said.

Farther north, in Hezuo, the seat of Gannan Prefecture, the signs of tension were just as clear. In the town’s main traffic circle, the authorities had set up a circular sandbag emplacement overseen by a half-dozen officers, resembling a scene in a war zone. It was just south of Hezuo where nomads on horses and thousands of others rampaged through a schoolyard last year.

But local officials deny there is any hostility.

“There’s no ethnic conflict here,” Cairang Dao’erqu, a Tibetan official at the foreign affairs bureau who goes by his Chinese name, said over a lunch during this reporter’s detention. “Look in the streets — everything is peaceful here. The Chinese, Tibetan and Hui people all get along.”

Tibetans say they have no idea what might take place on March 10, the momentous anniversary of the failed uprising in 1959. Last week, the Dalai Lama urged Tibetans not to be provoked by the Chinese, saying any radical moves would give the Chinese government an excuse to take harsher steps.

“It is difficult to achieve a meaningful outcome,” he said, “by sacrificing lives.”
Jonathan Ansfield contributed reporting.

A version of this article appeared in print on March 5, 2009, on page A1 of the New York edition.

Wednesday, February 25, 2009

札西慈仁: 失去「家」50年


我是札西慈仁(TASHI TSERING),我不會寫中文,感謝台灣的朋友幫忙寫這封信,讓我可以將心裡的話對你們說。



去年2008年,因為314抗暴事件,因為北京奧運的契機,讓我們發現,原來在台灣的我們非常不孤獨,台灣有很多朋友支持圖博!(歡迎大家觀賞【軌跡~Tibet Freedom Movement in Taiwan 2008】)我真的不知道要怎麼表達我的感謝,只能再次說聲謝謝!台灣人真的很棒!



不過,圖博人連悲傷的權利都沒有,因為中共威脅圖博人一定要慶祝新年,這樣的作為是為了要掩飾去年他們的殘暴行徑,目前整個圖博境內的氣氛非常緊張。我知道在台灣的我們不管做什麼都無法真正幫助到圖博境內的人,但是如果大家的支持能夠讓他們感受到,他們不會孤單。NO Losar Celebrations! 請大家務必於明天晚上(2月25日)到自由廣場參加祈福晚會,讓我們藉由一盞盞微弱燭光,將力量傳遞給他們。




札西慈仁(Tashi Tsering)
Regional Tibetan Youth Congress Taiwan (RTYC-Taiwan)